Ave Maria - Rossandra

Merry Christmas And And very Happy New year My friends

question

can someone please help me find the liberal party saskatchewan . Why is the media not carrying anything that we are saying.? Is it because we are not saying anything? Or the media are to tried up in the 2 party system.And That is only thing they can handle?

please tell me someone or anyone?

One year before election, big lead for Premier Wall and Sask. PartyANGELA HALL, Leader-Post: Friday, November 5, 2010

With a general election just 12 months away, Premier Brad Wall and his Saskatchewan Party government are riding a wave of popularity, according to the results of a Sigma Analytics poll conducted for the Regina Leader-Post.
Photo Credit: Bryan Schlosser, Saskatchewan News NetworkRELATEDDaylight time referendum still under considerationREGINA — With a general election just 12 months away, Premier Brad Wall and his Saskatchewan Party government are riding a wave of popularity, according to the results of a Sigma Analytics poll conducted for the Regina Leader-Post.

Wall and his party would dominate if an election were held now, with the support of 57.3 per cent of decided voters, compared with 29.4-per-cent of support for Dwain Lingenfelter's New Democrats.

While the Sask. Party numbers have slipped slightly from 59.5 per cent a year ago and the NDP's number have increased from 26.4 per cent in 2009, the governing party remains well above its 51-per-cent showing in the 2007 general election that ended 16 consecutive years of New Democratic dominance.

"If you look at the Opposition's story it's not many rays of sunshine," said Cam Cooper with Sigma Analytics.

Cooper noted the "massive approval" of Wall, with 73.3 per cent of respondents seeing him as the party leader who is the best choice for premier — a marked contrast from Lingenfelter who is seen as premier material by only 16.7 per cent of the 802 respondents surveyed between Oct. 22 and Nov. 2.

Lingenfelter, chosen NDP leader in 2009, was also selected by 60 per cent of respondents as the leader they would not want as premier. Wall was rejected by 19.9 per cent.

The NDP is "led by a person whose negatives are growing, not going the other way, so it's very positive for the government and not strong for the main opposition," Cooper said.

The premier's positive poll results were undoubtedly aided by potash, the pollster added.

Conducted just as Wall was turning up the heat on Ottawa, but before Wednesday's decision by federal Industry Minister Tony Clement to reject BHP Billiton's hostile takeover of PotashCorp, a large majority of voters polled say they supported the province's stance against the bid.

"(Wall) was the national champion of something that was massively popular here so it had to have been a lift," Cooper said. "It's very uncommon for a government that's well into its term of office to get a higher percentage of popular support than it actually got in the election when it took office. So you've got to think that's a large factor."

Cooper said the results indicate the government's position was a success on the home political front, even if there is some confusion about what PotashCorp is — three in 10 respondents identified the publicly traded company as a government owned Crown corporation.

Almost 82 per cent said they believe that Wall and the Sask. Party are better able to secure the best result for the province versus the NDP, which also opposed the takeover bid.

If an election were held today, Ryan Bater and the Liberal Party would have the support of 8.2 per cent of decided voters, followed by 4.8 per cent for Larissa Shasko and the Green Party, the poll found.

Just under 18 per cent of respondents were undecided.

* The sample size would yield a margin of error of plus or minus 3.46 per cent, 19 times out of 20

So true

great article
Hébert: The 24/7 information beast favours bite-size news
Published On Mon Dec 6 2010Email Print Share6Rss Article


By Chantal Hébert
National Columnist
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The only parliamentary debate on the latest extension of Canada’s military presence in Afghanistan was held during regular office hours on a November Thursday, a time in the week and in the parliamentary season when the Hill is a hive of media activity.

None of the party leaders spoke. But, for the first time since the government announced it would devote hundreds of soldiers to the training of the Afghan army, diverging visions of Canada’s post-2011 role were extensively laid out by proponents of the deployment and the development options.

Arguing from different corners, the Liberals’ Bob Rae and the NDP’s Jack Harris each gave a comprehensive rendition of the reasons why their respective parties sit on opposite sides of the fence on this issue.

With the notable exception of the news junkies who spend their days riveted to CPAC’s live parliamentary feed, most Canadians are unlikely to have been aware that a House debate took place, let alone to have been apprised of its highlights.

It might as well have been held in a remote cave in the dead of the night.

In the days leading up to the presentation by the Bloc Québécois of an Afghan-related motion, the politics of the government decision were dissected in various media quarters, including this one.

The subsequent vote on motion was also covered — mostly from the angle that it was a test of Liberal unity.

But the substance of the policy argument, as debated by the elected politicians who have a say in the decision to commit Canadian men and women to a war theatre, was ultimately not deemed to be all that newsworthy.

It is hardly the first time that this Parliament drops off the media radar as it airs out a high-profile policy.

Last spring, an NDP bill designed to ensure that future Supreme Court nominees are bilingual enough to hear arguments in either official language went almost completely unnoticed until after it passed final reading in the Commons.

Those are just two of many examples and there would be more if the current government had a majority.

In a majority Parliament, for instance, the recent Liberal decision to oppose the government’s anti-smuggling bill might have elicited only a media shrug, as it would have no impact on the fate of the legislation.

Even in an arguably more unpredictable minority setting, the fundamental business of Parliament is increasingly marginalized, not only by the daily theatre of question period, but also by the changing nature of the media in general and the parliamentary press in particular.

As counterintuitive as it may seem, a 24/7 news environment offers less rather than more space and time for the extensive parliamentary reporting of the past.

The demands of feeding a round-the-clock information beast usually favour bite-size news to the detriment of meaty debates that need more time-consuming media ministrations to be properly digested.

The advent of new technologies has also greatly expanded the Canadian political stage.

Premier Danny Williams happened to resign just as the Afghan debate was getting underway in Parliament. The news took everyone by surprise. But it was only a matter of minutes before the media armada was turned around and had set its virtual course for Newfoundland and Labrador.

Parliament used to be the centre stage of the political beat in Canada; now it is on the way to becoming a mere backdrop for the coverage of national politics.

Pierre Trudeau once famously said that MPs were nobodies once they were 50 feet off the Hill. But given Parliament’s ongoing slide into relative obscurity, it should come as no surprise that some of the members of Parliament who are about to leave the federal arena have come to feel that they are also nobodies in the House of Commons.

Chantal Hébert is a national affairs writer. Her column appears Monday, Wednesday and Friday.